Somalilandsun: In Mogadishu, political tensions remain due to the recent two-year extension of the Somali Parliament by the President of the Federal Government of Somalia and other government institutions.
According to reports, separate meetings are taking place in the city. The last one was last night between some of the presidential candidates and the leaders of Hirshabelle and Galmudug administrations.
It was not immediately clear what they discussed.
Meanwhile, civil society organizations have called on political parties to calm the situation and ensure that politics does not affect clans and government institutions.
The chairman of the Union of Somali Civil Society Organizations, Osman Muhyadin Shaath, told the BBC that many changes were taking place in the city, and that the decision to extend the term of parliament had changed the face of the country’s political crisis.
“We have warned and talked about it several times before, and the political crisis between the leaders at the federal and state levels seems to be affecting many areas, including government institutions, or the community itself. can divide, ”he said.
He added: “We warn against shifting political differences between clans and government institutions. It should be limited to politicians to resolve them.”
Chairman Shaatax said they tried to meet with the parties but does not allow, and still are pursuing.
“It seems that the current conflict is a long-standing conflict, and its consequences are obvious. that government services are crumbling and government institutions are being affected by the escalating conflict.
“We are pursuing (how to meet with the parties) but it seems that the conflict is based on personal views, and that is difficult to resolve,” he said.
Shatax said the Federal Government and regional administrations have only consolidated the solution without the involvement of civil society organizations and anyone else who can help understand where it comes from.
“The main thing we always talk about with the Federal Government and the regional administrations is that this conflict could cause problems that they cannot bring back (the country).”
“Indeed, Somalia’s statehood is in the process of being established and not in a stable state. Since it is a state-building state, there is no need for dialogue and understanding on its shortcomings and challenges. They will always listen to us but take no action. they did not take it at all, “he said.
Causes of Lack of Elections and Lack of Political Agreement – Research Guide
There are many reasons why Somali politicians have been roaming for four years. But I see three factors as the basis for non-choice and non-agreement.
First, the president has tried desperately to base the election on his re-election bid. Evidence of this can be found in the Electoral Law submitted to the House of Representatives by the Council of Ministers.
The president and his supporters have shown themselves to legislate an electoral system that allows him to be president of the party or a coalition that receives a majority of votes. Also, the electoral process that the president wanted was based on a balanced representation system and a nationwide electoral system.
These two points were opposed by parliament and some regional leaders. Parliament’s rejection was based on the fact that the president’s approach was unconstitutional and did not respect the 4.5 clan power-sharing arrangement. Meanwhile, it was opposed by state leaders who in particular opposed the creation of a single constituency in the country. They wanted each state to be an constituency. They made their position clear at a conference in Kismayo.
Second, the parliament was really upset about the election because it rejected the proposal of the executive branch, and replaced it with another process that is very difficult to implement. The Speaker of Parliament has appointed a committee on this matter. The committee recommended the adoption of another electoral system called ‘First Past the Post’. It was clear that the parliament did not want to move beyond the division of power among the tribes. Many members also expressed concern that political power was being manipulated in major cities.
The third basis for non-election and non-political agreement is distrust among politicians. When President Farmajo took office, he decided to expel many dissident politicians, such as Mohamed Sheikh Osman Jawari, the speaker of parliament, and some regional leaders, such as Sharif Hassan Sheikh Aden. Ali Abdullahi Cossoble and Ahmed Duale Guelleh “Xaaf.” He also removed Ibrahim Idle Suleiman from the Supreme Court.
The president replaced these politicians with his allies. Indeed, the government’s electoral process in Baidoa, Dhusamareb, and Jowhar has severely damaged the credibility of the leaders. As a result, a strong coalition of regional administrations in Puntland and Jubbaland, the Speaker of the Upper House and the Union of Candidates, including presidents and former prime ministers, has emerged.
Although time is short, there are many possible solutions. I slim faalleynayaa couple of possible solutions and called solutions that are easy to reach and we named the best solution to take many factors looga reach. All three need a political agreement.
The first solution, and it is easy to solve the challenges in the implementation of the agreement on September 17, 2020. The talks collapsed in Central and technical issues related to the implementation of the three-point principle looga agreed last year. It is the administration of the elections for the members of Somaliland, Gedo and the formation of neutral commissions that generally judge the elections.
Apart from implementing these three points of separation, where is the problem? I was asked this question by some Western diplomats working in Somalia.
When the answer is clearly stated, the core of the conflict is the greed of politicians. President Farmajo wants to return to power with justice. He wants to get his supporters out of the 11 cities where the by-elections are to be held. In particular, Somaliland and Gedo have a combined 73 members (22% of the total).
The president and his supporters want to control those seats. In addition, they will have a significant impact on the other nine cities as they are mostly run by politicians allied with the presidency. Opposition groups called for the beleagured PM to resign. Also, they love and work to keep Farmajo from coming back again.
So, I think it is very easy to agree on these three technical points. I believe the government should go back to the Dhusamareb talks and find a neutral party to judge the politicians. This role of neutrality can be played by civil society, scholars and the international community. Indeed, the international community has a huge impact.
That meeting on September 17, 2020 was behind them. Also, the convening of the Dhusamareb conference was due to the international community. More importantly, they own the economy, the army and the wisdom of state-building. Somali politicians only respect and fear them. In other words, the international community has treated Somalis in the role of the Supreme Court in the past.
In short, if President Farmajo and Prime Minister Roble return to Dhusamareb, and a mediator is found, this solution is easy and can be completed within days. I encourage this solution to be adopted.
If politicians fail to implement the September 17, 2020 agreement, there is another solution that may be easier than the previous one. It is the Government, local authorities, and the opposition immediately know to reach a political settlement of the current members of parliament to increase for two years, and they will elect a president.
In addition to resolving the crisis, this solution eliminates the recurrence of this problem and restores the electoral system of Somalia in the 1960s and 1960s.
The country’s first joint parliament was elected in 1959. A total of 90 members of parliament were elected through a balanced representation system, from 30 districts in Somalia or six southern regions. A total of 33 MPs were elected under the “First Past the Post” system, from 33 political districts in Somaliland (six administrative districts). The term of this parliament was five years ending in 1964.
After the transitional year, members of parliament elected Aden Abdulle Osman as president in 1961 for a six-year term. Three parliaments (1959, 1956 and 1969) and two presidents (1961 and 1967) were thus elected. As a result, parliamentary and executive elections are separated.
There will always be a legal authority that conducts the election of the other authority. Even if this political solution cannot be implemented now, I think it should be implemented through the constitutional review.
There is also a third solution: to hold a national conference to review many aspects of governance such as the constitution, elections and all other important issues. This type of conference is needed because it has changed a lot over the last two decades. Despite the formation of a government, it has emerged that power-sharing among communities is one of the challenges. Of course, taking this solution is not easy because many Somalis and the international community want to work within existing institutions.
The gist of this essay is that there are many possible solutions. I hope that in theory work with politicians to actually look out process looga political confusion.
These three solutions require a political agreement. In the current parliament, the government and the presidency cannot make decisions alone. They need to reconcile with other Somali politicians and intellectuals.
I conclude by recalling that the Somali civil war began with one politician seeking power and another seeking power. We have to learn from our experiences.
I urge politicians (conservative and opposition) to work for peace and stability, and to resolve their differences through dialogue. I hope President Farmajo and Prime Minister Roble return to Dhusamareb and reach a political agreement.
Originally published by BBC Somali service under title Khilaafka doorashada Soomaaliya: “Waa inaan khilaafka siyaasadeed loo rarin qabaa’ilka iyo hay’adaha dowladda”